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I invite my liberal-minded friends to furnish'them with in- spiration and information and 'my complacent ones to purge them of smugness. In view of the bitter and uncompromising opposition within the Republi- can party to any "foreign entanglements" and the indifference of.

But it is only a beginning. It solves definitely none of the problems with which it deals. Reparations and Allied Indebtedness THE Genoa Conference now offers little hope of a solution of either of the two most im- portant problems affecting the economic recovery of Europe and the world: the obligations of Germany to the Allies and the Allies' obligations to each other and to the United States.

In America's absence these questions must be solved elsewhere, but they must be solved to- gether. Does Secretary Hughes propose to acquiesce in the recent action of Congress, dictated by lack of understanding, which effectively prevents any consideration of continued remission of in- terest payments or of cancellation of any por- tion of the principal of the debts due us? Or will the Administration attempt to educate the country to understand that not only the interest of our debtors, but our own, would in the judgment of almost all students of international finance, be best served by the cancellation of these debts?

President Harding and Secretary Hughes, as no one else, could bring to the Middle West and the South, if only they were to speak frankly, a compelling sense of America's stake in the rehabilitation of European finance and trade. Time is urgent. Russia SAVE for the admirable but limited relief ef- forts, no progress has been made towards the re-establishment of normal relations be- tween this country and Russia.

Italy, Germany, Great Britain and France either have granted de facto recognition or are moving towards it and are discussing arrangements for de jure re- cognition. But Washington does v nothing. Surely, American public opinion has a right to demand that the Administration take cognizance of changed circumstances and co-operate with the rest of the world to bring Russia back into the family of nations.

Mexico THE announcement foreshadowed in last week's Bulletin that the Mexican Secretary of the Treasury would come to this country soon was made April 3. A letter from Mr. A statement authorized by the International Committee of Bankers expresses the hope that this conference "participated in by all the in- terests concerned, will go far in working out a solution of- pending questions with reference to the Mexican Government's external indebted- ness.

It has been suggested that de la Huerta may combine a diplomatic mission with his financial responsibilities. This is very doubtful. In any event, it is earnestly to be hoped that his coming, an evidence of good faith on Mexico's part, will be adequately ap- preciated 4n this country and that Mexico's rep- resentative will be shown here convincing proof of the good-will which our people feel towards our neighboring republic.

Without indicating any undue leniency or willingness to relinquish any of America's just claims, Mr. Houghton had the good sense and the courage to make unequivo- cally clear his determination to base his attitude not on the two years of war between the two countries, but upon the hundred and more years of peace.

A definite step by the Conference on Limitation of Armament. The League has borne its full share of respon- sibility for making known to the Conference the profound hope of the people of this land that war may cease.

The League believes that friendliness with our neighbor countries will be stimulated and strengthened when women from all parts of the western hemi- sphere come together for sympathetic study of their common problems.

The Foreign Policy Association still has on hand a supply of Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick's sermon "Skll JPe EdM" Through the generosity of a friend these pamphlets may be had upon application, with- out charge except for postage.

Two Ways to Help Tell your friends about the F. Some day they will thank you— or Invite a friend to one of our luncheons. Nine cases out of ten he or she will join afterwards without being urged. Chech shuli be mk walk in Robert H. We should like to be in position to in full the speeches and discussions at our bi- weekly luncheons as we did in our monthly Bulletins of last year, It is impossible, how- ever, with our present limited budget to print these discussions in addition to our Weekly Bulletins except where special funds can be j raised, We are glad to announce that such a specif fund has been raised for the discussion "The Ear Eastern Republic, Siberia ad Jap March 4th , which will be ready for disl tion to members the end of this week.

The discussion was unusui interesting, informing and comprehensive, Fil dollars has been subscribed for this purpo! Seventy-five dollars more is needed. Such frank and stimulating dis- cussion certainly does help to clarify our views ' and bring out the fundamental issues involved in these questions.

NGE more the Allied governments, this time through the ' have proposed new boundary lines in the Near East.

Turkey is to hold Constantinople on just what terms is not clear , to regain Asia Minor, including Smyrna, now held by Greece, and a large portion of Thrace. Thus the Turks and the Bulgarians are once more to have a common frontier. Greece, retiring from the mainland of Asia, is to retain Adrianople and the Gallipoli peninsula on the Dardanelles.

These straits and those in the Bosphorus are to be opened perpetually to navigation, the immediately adjoining territories to be demilitarized, but those of the Dardanelles to remain under the supervision of "an international commission with a Turkish president, comprising representatives of all the principal powers interested, including Greece.

Con- sequently the aid of the League of Nations is sought, with a view to satisfying the traditional aspira- tions of the Armenian people and the establishment of a national home for them. Greece probably can be coerced into acceptance. France and Britain have agreed on a policy which temporarily eliminates one of the most dangerous sources of friction between the two countries. The League of Nations is to be given a most difficult task. JLord Curzon and his colleagues merely specify that the territory now inhabited by the Armenians shall be under Turkish sovereignty.

There would be more reason to hope for the League's success if experiences in the recent past offered any ground for faith that either France or Great Britain will make any real sacrifice to support the League in carrying out this trust. But all the more credit ivill redound to the Council of the League which is to have direct responsibility if it succeeds where all other agencies have failed.

The tentative character of the decisions at Paris, their grave importance not only for Greece and Turkey, for the. President Harding has had no recent direct correspondence with President Obregon.

The truth appears to be that certain informal and friendly remarks of the President about Mexico were greatly exaggerated to indicate that the White House had taken charge of the Mexican negotiations. Nothing could be further from the. There is no ground to believe that the Secretary of State has modified his announced policy that simultaneously with recognition some sort of treaty or protocol shall be signed by the two governments clarifying the issues that are now confused. Nor has President Qbregon given any indication that he is as yet prepared to meet Mr.

Hughes' suggestion. One man perhaps has it within his power to enable Secretary Hughes and President Obregon to agree wihout sacrifice of principle. If Secretary of the Treasury de la Huerta were now continuing the conferences begun during the visit of Mr. Thomas W.

Lamont to Mexico in September last year as a representative of the International Bankers' Committee to confer in New York not merely with members resident in the United States of the International Bankers' Committee, but also with repre- sentatives from Paris and London of French and British interests who might be induced to come here, it is likely that the whole complicated problem of handling Mexico's various external obligations would be solved.

Such an agreement would certainly facilitate and might indeed be a part of a more permanent settlement than has thus far been possible between the Mexican government and the American and other foreign oil interests. With the removal from the field of controversy of the major questions of finance and oil, the questions involved in recognition would be greatly simplified. As a friend of the Mexican people, having opposed any suggestion of intervention in Mexican affairs by the United States and having fought with all its strength for better relations between the two peoples, the F.

By Harry Emerson Fosdick, D. Dutton and Co. Ok this Sunday, dedicated by the churches to the cause of dis- armament, we already have sung and prayed and read our morning subject and our morning text. Their contemporaries must have listened to such a hope, as they might have felt a passing breeze, cooling them for a moment in the heat of strife, but passing on swiftly to be forgotten. How vain the hope has always seemed that the time would come when men would not learn war any more!

Indeed, at no time would sarcasm have been easier than now over the contrast between the ideal of peace and the actuality of war. JNot learn war any more, when we have just passed through a war that has made all its predecessors in history seem like popping chestnuts beside a thunder clap, when preparations for the next war are everywhere anxiously afoot and the race of com- petitive armament has begun again! To one who knows history, however, something else is ap- parent beyond this discouraging contrast between the actuality and the ideal.

Said Victor Hugo, "Nothing on earth is so power- ful as an idea whose hour has come. At least the dim suspicion of this dilemma between war and civilization has not for centuries been altogether lacking.

The church, all too feebly recognizing the irreconcilable conflict between war and the spirit of Jesus, has, for all that, at her best been endeavoring to restrain war, to abolish its worst barbarities, to limit its area and to bring, where it could, the truce of God.

Throughout the nineteenth century there was a growing apprehension about the crisis toward which humanity was drifting. During the first fifty years of the nineteenth century practically nothing was said about arbitra- tion treaties. During the first ten years of the twentieth century ninety-six international arbitration treaties were signed. And before that fateful day of August, , the Hague peace con- ferences had been desperately endeavoring to trim the claws of war with rules and regulations that might protect the wounded and non-combatants and limit the methods of killing.

All of these things have proved to be futile enough in practical effect, yet they are valuable as prophecy. They indicate that humanity for a long time has dimly perceived what now we are fools if we do not clearly see: that war and civilization are diametrically opposed, that we can have one or the other but not for very long can we have both.

Let us this morning consider a few of those things which, in view of our late experience, we ought to understand about war. First of all, there is nothing glorious about war any more. We used to think there was. When we were children, with tas- selled paper caps and tin guns, marching to a beaten drum, we incarnated in our boyish pride the ancient fallacy that there is something glorious about war. Is it not amazing that the most damnable things in human life are so habitually dressed in the alluring paraphernalia of parade and gorgeous clothes and stirring song?

What is intoxication by strong drink? Any man with eyes to face the facts knows it to be a beastly thing with a trail of poverty, heartbreak and death after it, so that men ought to hate it with a bitter hatred. Yet when men sing their drinking songs intoxication is radiantly clothed with gaiety and mirth, with the clink of glasses and the surge of song, until the very souls of the elect might be deceived. The old Czar's! They knew that men would not forever cry for war and L glory in it if they knew the truth about it.

For the first time in history we have gone through [ a gigantic war, for news of which we have not been chiefly de- pendent upon official dispatches, but upon multitudinous letters from millions of men, many of whom we knew, and upon detailed reports from journalists on the spot. War glorious? In saying this one would desire to guard himself against any appearance of dishonoring the memory or depreciating the spirit of the men who bore the burdens of the nation on the field of battle.

Any one of us who was with them in France would rather have his tongue plucked out than do them dishonor. Their courage, their resourcefulness, their dash, their spirit of comrade- ship and sacrifice, their willingness to die, were stirring and splen- f did. Let humanity not altogether despair of herself if her youth can display qualities like that! To take a splendid youth, willing to serve the will of God in his generation before he falls on sleep, and to teach him the skillful trick of twisting a bayonet into the abdomen of an enemy — that is not glorious.

To take a royal-spirited man who is not afraid of anything under heaven and to teach him to drop bombs on undefended towns to kill whom he knows not — it may be the baby suckled at her mother's breast — that is not glorious. One of our young men came back from France and, like many others, would not talk. One day his father took him apart and rebuked him for his silence. It was a question of bis life or mine. We had nothing personally against each other. He did not want to kill me any more than I wanted to kill him.

That is war. I did my duty in it, but for God's sake do not ask me to talk about it. I want to forget it. There is nothing glorious about it any more.

In particular, when our war broke and in answer to the nation's call so many millions leaped to arms, and we were all bound up in a common fellowship of devotion to a common cause, and when to the roll of drums our men went out to fight, ready for the uttermost self-sacrifice, so stimulated were we that we almost were convinced that out of such an experience there might come a renaissance of new spiritual quality and life.

Is there anybody who can blind his eyes to the facts now? Every competent -witness in Europe or America has had to say that we are on a far lower moral level than we were before the war. Crimes of sex, crimes of violence have been unprecedented. Large areas of Europe are to-day in a chaos so complete that not one man in a thousand in America even dimly imagines it, with a breakdown of all the normal, sustaining relationships and privi- leges of civilized life, and with an accompanying collapse of char- acter unprecedented in Christendom, I suppose, since the days of the Black Plague.

If we are wise we will never again go down into hell expecting to come up with redeemed spirits- To be sure, there are many individuals of such moral stamina that they have come out of this experience personally the better, not the worse. Always there was an initial reluctance about adopting new ways of carrying on war, from the time men substituted bows and arrows, which kill at a distance, for stone hatchets, which kill close at hand.

Always the first users of these new means of killing were considered dis- honorable for a little while and always in the end everybody adopted the new means and took them for granted. There was a great to-do about the use of gunpowder when first it was intro- duced, but by the time we came upon the scene the last shadow of that reluctance had vanished utterly.

Will -Irwin is right when he says that April 22, , is one of the outstanding dates in human history, because on that day "the Germans rolled across the Western trench line a cloud of iridescent, chlorine gas, which sent French, Arab, English, and Canadian soldiers by the thousands back to the hospitals, coughing and choking themselves to death from rotted, inflamed lungs. Already, in these few years, we have passed through all the stages of changing atti- tude toward the use of poison gas in war: first, unutterable in- dignation at the use of it ; second, reluctant consideration of using it ourselves if the other side did ; third, tentative employment of it to see how our people would react; fourth, frantic endeavor to beat the enemy out in the use of it before we were too late; until now all nations take it as a matter of course that poison gas will be used in any new war and are preparing it with the same nonchalance with which they prepare muskets.

We in America have our Lewisite Gas. It probably is the best, up to date. It is invisible; no one can ever see it when it comes. It is heavier than air; it will sink into the lowest dugouts and cellars.

Moreover, it has this element of exquisite efficiency: you do not have to breathe it to be killed by it; if it can touch your skin anywhere it is fatal. And it is estimated that in any landscape where it once is used nothing will grow for seven years. War has been bad enough in the past. But there is no man living with imagina- tion adequate to picture what war is going to be.

Take one fact about this war: ten million men in the prime of their lives died on the battlefields. Some of us in the cities and the camps watched the way in which these men were selected. Eirst, conscription in its broad net brought in all the men of the nation, at those ages when they might be expected to be in their physical and mental prime. Second, the draft boards weeded out the obviously unfit — the insane, the maimed, the halt, the blind — and sent them back into civil life to propagate the race that is to be, while all the best they sent up to the camps.

Third, in the camps these picked men were put through the sieve again. The nervously unstable, the physically or mentally undeveloped, were strained out and sent back into civil life. When the armies went into battle they represented the flower of the nations' manhood at its best. And ten million of them fell, ten million of our race's hand-picked best. Of all France's youth between nineteen and thirty-one years of age, sixty per cent fell in battle. Just where are you going to get moral progress for the world out of that?

What you are going to get out of that is inevitable racial decadence. If that were the only fact involved in war, it ought to be evident that we can have war or civilization, but we cannot have both of them very long. In the third place, there is no limit to the methods of hilling in war any more. We used to think that we could make a duel of war, controlled by regulations that would tone down war's worst barbarities so that the whole business could be carried on with a flourish of chivalry, decently and in order, and we dared to think that something like this had been, actually accomplished by the Hague peace conventions.

Already our military authorities are preparing the minds of people for new ways of killing men- Listen to General Swinton of the British army: "The final form of human strife, as I regard it, is germ warfare. I think it will come to that; and, so far as I can see, there is no reason why it should not, if you mean to fight.

Seven hundred thousand men fell in that war. The Franco-Prussian War was quite a war of its kind, and Robert Louis Stevenson told us that he used to lie on the ground of his island and kick the turf in agony at the thought of the weariness of marching men and the cries of the wounded.

One hundred and eighty-four thousand men fell in that war. Yet when ten million men fell in this last war General Swinton tells us that we were only killing a few individuals at a time and that the hour has struck at last for us to get down to business and learn how really to make war — wholesale war — with germs and gas and lethal rays, concerning which last the general says that they will "shrivel up or paralyze or poison human beings.

The barriers are all down. You never can put them up. There is no limit to the ways of killing any more. That leads me logically to my next point : there are no limits to the cost of war any more.

There used to be. War used to be comparatively inexpensive. The knigljts used to go out, furnish- ing their own equipment and maintaining their own expense. Even the wars in which the United States have engaged have been economic Lilliputians compared with this last conflict. How long do you think civilization can go on at a rate lite that?

Here in the United States one finds everywhere a latent fear of that revolutionary spirit which is summed up in the word "Bolshevism. I share it keenly. But one does not find in the United States, as he wishes that he did, the clear recognition of one of the underlying causes of that revolutionary spirit. For we can have war or civilization, but we cannot have both very long. Once there was. Once only a comparatively few men went out to fight, first the men who wanted to, later the men who were paid to.

The area of operations was comparatively limited, the people engaged few, the number even indirectly affected small. Within the lifetime of a large portion of this congregation, national conscription for military service has become a recognized policy of modern states.

IsTot only, however, are all men drawn into a modern war: when a nation fights, the women must join them. In the last war the women were at the front and behind the front they made the munitions. The war could not have been fought without them, and plans are now on foot for a thoroughgoing conscrip- tion of all women as of all men in the event of another war.

And not only must all men and all women bear the burdens of war, all men, women and children must face the perils and meet the deaths of war. Some of us were in Paris during those long days when every twenty minutes a great shell burst, scattering civilians right and left regardless of age or sex.

Some of us in London have seen all night long in the sweltering subways the English families huddled, mothers trying to protect their little broods from the indiscriminate bombing of the city. And every- one knows that before the war was over indiscriminate bombing was practised on both sides of the line and that already bombs of 1, pounds weight were prepared to annihilate Berlin in The inevitable development of modern war means that it shall not be waged against armies alone, but against populations.

If you are going to have war at all, that is the kind of war you are going to have. Have you any little children at home whom you love? But these next wars, if they come, are going to kill babies as frequently and as cheerfully as they kill men.

This is what war means — the endeavor of a whole population to annihilate another whole population by means fair or foul. If you are going to have war, be sure in advance that this is the kind of war you are going to get. Surely, you are ready to accept my last proposition : we can- not reconcile Christianity and war any more.

It cannot be done. We have reached here the same pass that our fathers reached about slavery. Eor a long while they had dallied with it, excused it, compromised about it. But at last they came to the parting of the ways, where it was evident that no longer could they reconcile Christian civilization and slavery. And we have come to that parting of the ways about war. I am not a theoretical pacifist. I do not hold my ethics in a vacuum apart from the actualities ; I recognize the place of force, of massed force if need be, in exigen- cies where other methods fail ; but opposition to this building up of vast war machines in a deadly competition which will end with an inevitable crash, bringing down in ruin the priceless gains of our civilization, is not a matter of theoretical pacifism; it is a matter of common sense.

Only a blind man can favor this or- ganized madness. The men who know what war is are saying to us what Marshal Haig said to an audience in Britain : "The Gospel of Christ is the world's only social hope and the sole promise of world-peace. It is a crusade to which I urge you, a crusade not having for its object the redemption of a single city, how- ever holy, but the freeing of the whole world from the devastating scourge of war.

It of our armies. One is fairly pictured in the person of Mr. Charles E. Hughes and Mr. Herbert Hoover, with their broad outlook, their international interest, their sincere desire for re- duced armaments and for an association of the nations that will minimize the chances of war.

Which of these two factions is going to come out on top? It depends altogether now on the pressure of public opinion. There never was such a chance in this country, I think, for a wave of expressed public opinion to decide a great national issue.

If on an agreed-upon date they will simultaneously preach one sermon on this subject in every church of every creed throughout the United States, and conclude their services by having the congregation adopt a resolution addressed to their particular congressman urging on him the necessity of having a business conference of five nations on the subject, the thing will be done, "If the churches cannot agree upon that, it will not be done, nor will it be done until the good God puts into them the proper spirit of their religion.

The responsibility is entirely on the professing Christians of the United States. Afraid of what? After j our record in the late war, with our unchallenged primacy in strategic position and wealth and men, afraid of what? Everyone knows that we could keep the pace as long as anyone else could keep it. Eor the sake of the liberal, forward-looking people in the other nations who, against handicaps that we with difficulty can imagine, are fighting their militaristic cliques and do not want war, let us take the lead!

Eor the sake of that Christ whose sacri- fice on behalf of all the world we shall commemorate this after- noon and whom for so long time we have called "Lord, Lord," without doing the things that he said, let our country move out, at the front, toward that day when men shall "not learn war any morel" Pbayeb Eternal God, our Father, if ever we have prayed to Thee with slack and unstirred spirits, it is not now.

We are pleading before Thee for the preservation of a civilization that our fathers died to build and to save. Thou seest written in our hearts the names of children whom we love better than ourselves and to whom we would not hand down a world committed to devastation and death and ruin unimaginable.

God make us strong in the hour of our opportunity that we may do our duty and lead this people, as it has been so great in war, to be greater yet in peace. SECOND: Communication of the results of such study to as large a number of liberal-minded Americans as possible, to the end that there might be a bette?

From that time to the present the Association has steadily labored for the formation and adoption of a lib- eral and constructive American foreign policy ; and the better to express its basic purpose, it adopted in March, , its present name— The Foreign Policy Association.

The Association has always been, and still is, strictly non-partisan or interpartisan. Working on the theory that public opinion is the permanent controlling agency in a democracy and that it can be sound only when it has informed itself, the Association has no interest to serve, no formula it wishes to impose, no postulate oi govern-.

Anxious that the tfhited States should have ah attitude in foreign affairs tnat protects its" own interests, it believes that in the long run a self- ish, self-regarding policy is sure to be detrimental, and that a generosity of spirit and of act, a willingness to go half-way and to go first, and to put its confidence in whatever associations it forms, are genuinely in the American interest. Its method is, as far as possible, to enlighten by disclosing facts, by promoting debate, by attempting to develop a public interest in order to offset private interests or the narrow aims of a faction.

Since November, , the weekly News Buixetin of comment on current developments has been substi- tuted for the former monthly publication. The New York Luncheons to date forty-three notable and largely attended luncheons have been held in New York City under the auspices of the Association. At each a special phase of American foreign policy is discussed from different view- points,— never in the spirit of partisanship, but always with the idea of getting at the facts.

The whole series has been characterized by absolute freedom of viewpoint and fairness of discussion. As some one has said, the luncheons three years ago "marked the restora- tion of free speech in New York City. Coudert, George W. George Paish, Ira Jewell Williams,. Alonzo E. Taylor, Eamonn de Valera, St. Reinsch, Dr. Joseph Red- hch, Hon Norman H. Davis, Otto H. Kahn, Mrs. Mar- guerite E. Harrison, Paxton Hibben, Hon. Good- rich, Henry W.

The League of Nations The Association in its original statement of principles, issued in November, , expressed its conviction that the basis of our American demands at the Paris Con- ference should be a liberal, democratic and 'inclusive league of nations.

During the spring of it urged upon the American plenipotentiaries at Paris the for- mation of such an international organization. The de- feat of the Covenant in the Senate only stimulated the Association to further efforts to bring the United States whole-heartedly into some form of continuous and close cooperation with the other nations at the earliest pos- sible moment. Mexico and the Caribbean On our relations with Latin-America, especially with Mexico and the Caribbean, the Foreign Policy Associa- tion has a standing committee of experts.

This Com- mittee has studied very carefully the relations between the United States and the Latin-American Republics and has been of no little service in combating false and in- terested propaganda, and specifically in staving off American armed intervention in Mexico, and takes to itself a share of the credit for the gradual improvement in Mexican- American relations.

In April, , the Asso- ciation addressed to Secretary Hughes a carefully drawn brief in the matter of the settlement of the existing dis- putes between the two countries. The executives of the Association have been unwearied in their effort to discover and bring to public view the real source of difficulties with Mexico and to build up an intelligent, tolerant, generous attitude in re- gard to that country. Coleman du Font, S. Fels, Walter Fisher, Rev.

Harry Emerson FosdiCk, Pres. Goodnow, Frof. Stanley Hall, Mrs. Harriman, Mrs. Roland Hopkins, Pres. John G. Lloyd, Pres. Henry N. MacCracken, W. Fellowes Morgan Dr. Leigh- ton Parks, Pres. Ellen F. Pendleton, Rt. Rowe, p. Louis Slade, Oscar S. Straus, Miss Ida M. Tarbell, F. Taussig, Mrs. Andreas Ueland, F. Vanderlip, Paul M. Cortlandt Whitehead, D. Wick- ersham, Pres. Mary E. Woolley, Mrs. Thomas G.

The demand for speakers, literature and information grew to such proportions, and there was such an obvious overlapping- of the activities of the various groups work- ing towards the same end, that the F. The Clearing House, with headquarters in the office of the F. Miss Merriman, the Secretary of the F.

The Association hails the United States participation in the Conference as a notable advance over the policy of isolation and "little Americanism" of the last two years and as an encouraging step towards more complete co- operation in international affairs in which the welfare of the United States is inextricably bound up. The ending of the rivalry in capital ship-building, and the abrogation of "The work of the Clearing House was taken oyer in Octobpr by th« N. Council for Limitation of Armament, 6 East 45th Street.

Reduction of Armaments The first plank in the revised "program for immediate action" adopted by the Foreign Policy Association in December, , declared that the F. While there was at that time a feeling against competi- tive naval buildingf, public sentiment was unorganized, uninformed and inarticulate.

In the educational work of arousing the country to a realization of the tremen- dous issues at stake, the Association has played its part. A national sub-committee on reduction of armament was formed in April, FIRST: To urge President Harding to call an inter- national conference to consider the limitation of naval armament by international agreement.

Among the members of the committee were : Judge George W. Parkes CadnVan Mrs. Cravath, Seymour L. Cromwell, R. Fulton Cutting, J. Compiled and edifed' by C. Cumming and Walte? A candid student of the work of the Conference must, however, recognize its failure to limit land armament, to limit the number of auxiliary craft, to restrict the number and size of sub- marines, to deal effectively with new methods of warfare, and the incomplete and unsatisfactory character of some of the work in reference to the Far East.

The rebirth of interest in international affairs encourages us to renewed effort to arouse the American public to the importance of these unsettled points. The Far East Through its luncheon-conferences, study groups and special committee devoted to problems of the Pacific and the Far East, the F.

For an International Economic Conference From the most diverse sources indisputable evidence is accumulating as to the increasing economic, financial and industrial demoralization in large parts of Europe and of Asia. The F. It is at present working to bring about our participa- tion in the Genoa Conference. Finance The Foreign Policy Association in the prosecution of its educational and constructive program has accom- plished a good deal on a comparatively small budget.

It is dependent for its financial support wholly upon vol- untary contributions. Every American citizen interested in the development of a sane and sound liberal foreign policy for the United States is earnestly urged to contribute to the utmost of his or her ability and to help increase the membership and with it the force of public opinion behind our program.

JOHN A. A greater knowledge of the Far Eastern situation is necessary on the part of the public if the United States is to play an intelligent and effective part in world affairs.

The Washington Conference has made this more evident than ever before. It is to help supply that knowledge that this pamphlet is written. The Council wishes to express its gratitude to Mr. Fro click and the staff of Asia Magazine for their invaluable assistance in preparing the text, map, and bibliography, and to the many friends who have read it and offered helpful suggestions.

Chinese Maritime Customs are under the control of foreigners and the money is used to pay the interest on foreign loans. The tariff rates are fixed by treaty. Tariff Autonomy is the right now asked by China to fix her own customs tariff.

Likin is the system of internal provincial and city tariff charges. Foreign Post Offices. Leased Areas — a polite term for the forced cession of Chinese territories to foreign powers. Spheres of Influence are claims for preference in the section covered.

Industrial privileges are granted 'and no territory in the sphere is to be alienated to another power. Results: Five more treaty ports opened, foreigners allowed to travel in interior, Christianity tolerated, further revision of tariff duties. Russia began acquisition of Eastern Siberia, collection of customs revenues fell into hands of foreigners. War with France in gave her Annam and Tongking in the south.

War with Japan over Korean troubles. Russia leased Port Arthur and connected it with Trans-sib erian. Spheres of influences were cut out. Boxer uprising with indemnities Korea annexed In China con- cluded a separate peace with Germany. The Japanese have various times attempted to settle the question with China who refused on the ground that unconditional return of Shantung was the only acceptable thing. References — All the books treat some period of this.

Peculiar Character of China which has made these for- eign aggressions possible, 1. Traditional feeling of the Chinese that foreign affairs are the business of the government in which they have no part. Ignorance, arrogance and fundamental weakness of the non- Chinese Manchu dynasty made possible the encroachments before the revolution of Corruption and greed of the military leaders who are' willing to sell anything for their own personal profit.

The United States in consistently advocating a different policy has become isolated in the Orient. Protest of the United States against foreign aggressions on China and the development of the American Far Eastern policy. That is, no part of the country should be alienated or marked off tfor exclusive development. In the Lansing-Ishii agreement recognized the special in- terests of Japan in China but reaffirmed the open door policy.

China protested this. In an agreement between those two powers made any such neutralization impossible. It is thus a purely business affair. So far China has not borrowed any money from this group.

Japan at first refused to join without certain reservations regarding loans for use in her spheres of influence but under protest and pressure from the United States finally agreed to come in on the same terms as the other nations.

There is a feeling in China, how- ever, that the reservations were allowed Japan secretly. Continuation of Japan's policy of aggression threatens the peace of the world. Desirability of Great Britain and France taking the lead in sur- rendering fruits of past aggressions. Japan has more at stake. Great Britain and France unwilling to give up what they have thru fear of other powers and importance of their holdings in an economic way.

Necessity for such surrender as a sign of good faith in initiating new regime. Failure of Great Britain and France to back the United States in a positive anti-aggression stand leaves the United States and Japan face to face on the issue. Kawakami's Real Japanese Question, Fletcher.

Japan's suspicion of the United States. United States' suspicion of Japan. Japan's legitimate needs and their protection. Japan is densely populated and rapidly increasing in population. Failure of emigration from Japan to its own unpopulated territories. Effects of Japan's new industrialism in decreasing, the birth rate and making possible the support of a larger population at home. Japan's growth in wealth thru industrial development and her need of markets. Reasons for believing that Japan can best meet her re- quirements thru a policy of real cooperation and legiti- mate trade expansion in China.

A strong China will be a great buyer in the future while her own industries are developing and her standard of living rising Japan would be the natural supplier of this market. If Japan wins the good will of the Chinese there will be increased opportunity for her to join with Chinese, and Chinese and Ameri- cans and Europeans jointly, for the legitimate development of China.

References — Kuno, Bowman, Wood. Reasons why the United States is the one nation that must fight the old policy of national expansion by aggres- sion or bring about international cooperation to protect the weak and check the strong nations. Japan is the chief exponent of the old policy and hence the chief concern of the United States in any such program.

Independent spirit of the United States in breaking away from old traditions. Its geographical position and wealth which protect it from the accusation of attempting to force out other countries for its own advantage.

Sensitiveness of the Japanese people to public opinion and their desire to stand well in the eyes of the world. Growing liberalism in Japan. If we force the adoption of a new international policy we must accept increased responsibility for the protection of, China and of the international relations of the Far East.

Responsibility especially to see that our great financial power is not abused to the injustice of China, Japan, or the European nations. References — Dewey, Bullard. Means at hand for the United States to Srce a world policy of international cooperation.

Outlines of a constructive plan for China to prove good intentions of the powers in China. These groups have confidence of the people and represent the growing public opinion and national feeling of China. Re- vell, N. Detailed with notes con- taining excellent bibliography. Bullard, Arthur — The A, B. Cheng, Sih-gung — Modern China, a Political study, Clarendon Press, Oxford, , a sketch of internal and external political conditions by a Chinese who knows his subject well.

Fletcher, C. Hara, Katsuro — Introduction to the History of Japan. Putnam Sons, N. By a sympathetic and well-informed student of the country on the basis of nineteen years' residence. Contains biblio- graphy of books pro-Japanese, anti-Japanese and non-partisan.

Hornbeck, Stanley K. S- into war, Appendix with recent documents. Kawakami, K. CrowST Co. Latourette, Kenneth S. Longman's Green, London, , Standard history of the period before the Revolution of Reid, Gilbert— China, Captive or Free? Dodd Mead, , Foreign en- croachments in China since , sympathetic to China. Taft, Henry W. Treat, Payson J. Accurate as to facts and giving the interpretation sympathetic to Japan.

Interesting example of the way Japan wants things seen. Vinacke, Harold M. Weale, Putnam, B. Excellent Appendix with important documents. Willoughby, Westel W. Wood, G. The Twenty-one demands. Fleming H. Revell, New Republic Pamphlets. Number 1 : China, Japan, and the U. Collection of series of articles on Far Eastern af- fairs written in China from May, , to October, While some of them are out of date and conditions have changed since the writing they are interesting and valuable.

Brief and clear review of all sides of the subject. Pub- lished by Mrs. Brief ac- count of Britain's activities in the Far East. This bibliography is intended for reference and does not pretend to be com- plete; The names of more books may be had from the bibliographies in the volumes given and from library catalogues.

Magazine articles and the daily papers should be consulted for current developments. I am sure we are all convinced that no good comes of the hind of dis- cussion which attempts to separate whole populations into categories of good and evil, for that whole rigmarole of discussion simply- adds to the confu- sion of a sufficiently confused world.

Nevertheless, there are circumstances which have caused France to take a special position on reparations, dis- armament, reconstruction and reconciliation. It is a fact that the position of France officially differs widely from the moderate opinion of her former Allies. Now, it is not true, in my' opinion, that France has separated herself from her former Allies.

What has really happened is that they have sep- arated themselves from France. Slight Applause. For every statement in the articles of Monsieur Poincaire in the last few months, you can find a perfect text in the speeches of Mr. Within three years, a member of Mr. Lloyd George's cabinet was saying that he would squeeze the German lemon until the pips squeaked, andMr.

Henry Cabot Lodge, all through the terrible winter of , was imploring High Heaven to come and save the world from the terrible consequences of a peace based on the armistice pledges. So it is not France that has suddenly become vindictive, or greedy, or imperialistic, or anything else. The fact is that we have changed, and that we have not yet had the grace to say openly that we have changed. Now, why has this change come about?

And why has there been so little change in France? The answer to that question is an extremely com- plicated one, and could not possibly be given in a short twenty minutes, but there are a few main things which perhaps may help us if we keep them in mind. I want to discuss first the military question, the question of national security.

So far as the United States goes, the war revealed a strength that we had not suspected, and we feel more confident in a military way of our own power than we ever did before. The result is we feel very secure, and find it extremely difficult to believe that anybody who feels insecure is not unreasonable. The British case is more intricate.

So far as the naval threat to the United Kingdom goes, the war completely removed the German navy, and the Washington conference has ended all threat of a new competition.

Lippraann's speech was not written out; this transcript is from a stenographic report. The French system of security rested on an alliance with Russia, When that alliance existed France was merely one factor in the European situation. Today the alliance no longer exists, but France alone is much stronger than she has been for one hundred years.

In other words, isolated in a military way, she has become supreme, and the very supremacy of France is her danger. She stands on a continent, unopposed for the moment, but around her are nations, Germany, Russia, Italy and England, no one of whom will for any long period of time accept as permanent the present relative su- periority of France. And France knows that, and that is why the spectacle of a nation with the largest army in Europe goes side by side with the spec- tacle of a nation constantly complaining that it has something to be afraid of.

The longer France stays in her present high, but unnatural, position, the more dangerous her future becomes. You can illustrate the point by an extremely rough illustration.

Sup- posing that Mr. McDonald and Mr. Ratcliffe and Mr. Babcock and I should engage in a fight with Dempsey. Suppose after a while we managed to throw him, to break his arm, to blacken his eye, and he lies there prostrate and panting for breath. We then take Mr. Babcock and plant him firmly on Dempsey's chest, with his hand on Dempsey's throat, and leaving him in that triumphant position, we all go home Laughter and Applause.

Now you may ask, why is it necessary at this late date to discuss inter- national relations in such a brutal fashion, why can not we talk instead about the new order that was to come out of the war. Well, the reason is a simple one.

The new order, when it comes, will have to rest on faith, a faith in pledges, a faith in promises, a belief that people will keep their word when they give it. Now, France has had a very morbid experience in the last few years with pledges. She got a pledge from Russia not to make a separate peace, and Russia made a separate peace. She got a pledge from Russia to repay the loans, and Russia repudiated them. She got a pledge from -England for a military alliance, and England did not ratify it.

She got a pledge from the United States for a military alliance and a strong league of nations. The United States did not ratify either. That is a bad experience with pledges. But the biggest and worst experience that France has had has been over the question of reparations.

If you put your minds back to and , you will remember the extreme Avar weariness that existed in France, and the strength of the defeatist agitation both in high circles and in low. Well, the promise that the miracles would happen was written into the Treaty of Peace, and then, no sooner written, but all the rest of us, compelled by the logic of facts and by common sense, set about trying to revise those pledges- We did it, we said, in the interest of the peace of the world.

We said also that we did it in the interest of our own trade. But whatever the reasons, we did it. To a Frenchman led on by the promises we have made, and to a French- man looking at the desperate condition of his own budget, the action, the haste with which we have tried to do that, has seemed treacherous and disloyal.

I don't want you to misunderstand me. I fully sympathize with the effort to revise the reparations as fast as possible, but we are trying to understand the state of mind of another people.

And when the revision takes place without a campaign of education to show why it has to occur, the present hysterical state of mind was bound to result. It is not surprising then that with all the uncertainties and with all the broken pledges and with all the disappointments that France has suffered, there should have been troubled waters, in which politicians could fish.

And they have. But the most surprising thing about it is that while in public they have gone on stirring up the old hatreds and old resentments of the war, in private they are tolerably reasonable people.

The gap between what men in high places say in public and what they say in private is amazing. Now, Mr. Harding will not make an utterance on the vital questions of European reconciliation, but we can guess from the disap- pointment expressed at the White House yesterday over the fact that the Senate pretends that it is going to collect interest on the debt, that Mr. Harding's real opinions do not differ from those of most informed people. But the most striking case of all occurs in the newspapers this morn- ing.

There is an interview with Mr. Loucheur, formerly minister of the liberated regions, in the Briand Cabinet. Loucheur is France's prin- cipal reparation expert. He has been out of office I think three weeks, and the result of three weeks of private life is that he has reduced the capital sum which he asks Germany to pay from thirty-four and a half billion dollars to twelve and a half billion dollars.

Now that terrible man Keynes, John Maynard Keynes, "the well known pro-German," reduced the German liability to nine billions, so that the whole difference at this moment between the most radical critic of the Peace Treaty, and the chief reparations expert of France, is about three and a half billion dollars capital sum. It is apparent from that, that the informed opinion in the world is not so far apart, and therefore it seems to me- the time has come for people who have not to face Congress or the French Chamber of Deputies, moderate people outside, to see whether they can come to any kind of an agreement on a program of reconstruction and settlement.

I should begin with a preamble containing a sentence from an editorial in the London Economist of January 14th, It is this: "An understanding between the Allies and Germany on economic and political matters is urgent, but for Britain the only road to Berlin lies through Paris. In addition to that, I should suggest that the United States, which cannot, in my opinion, enter into detailed territorial guarantees in Europe, should nevertheless accept the general obligations of the covenant of the League of Nations.

Then, in order to bring the reparation problem within the fields of manageable discussion and practical business and politics, I suggest that we agree that in future we shall regard M. Loucheur's estimate this morning as the maximum, and Mr. And then it follows quite obviously that as part of that same settlement, Great Britain will have to cancel France's debt to her, and in my own opinion her own share of the reparations, and the United States will have to cancel all the war debts.

And then, having produced a guarantee of security and a manageable reparation problem I submit that the reason for the occupation of the Rhine no longer exists.

That is the most troubled sore in Europe today. And as soon as it is possible to do so, it should end. And I submit that as part of a general settlement it must end, and that the French must not only withdraw from German territory, but that they and the Poles must reduce their armies to very small proportions.

The French will ask, however, what will happen if they do this. Who will stand as the guarantor of the German payments, however moderate? Now, that is a real question, for in my opinion, even though the reparations were iixed at a moderate and just sum, without pressure from the outside, no German government could succeed in collecting them from the German people.

There has to be the threat of some potential force. But the armies of occupation in the Uhineland are the most expensive, the most irritating, and politically the most dangerous method that could possibly be conceived. I suggest therefore that in substitute for that, the British and French fleets be used as the guarantor of the German reparations debt, because Germany, threatened with a blockade from the west, would fear that fully as much, if not more, than any threat by land.

The fleets could collect that debt without any extra expense for upkeep, and the simplicity of the ar- rangement, the international character of the arrangement, might appeal very strongly to people in many countries. I think that those items represent a basis for discussion. At any rate, I put up the target and others can shoot at it.

Laughter and Applause. The education of public opinion on foreign affairs. The beginnings of consultation between governments and educated public opinion in regard to international relations. The removal from the public mind of the fear of Japanese aggression against the United States. The scrapping of battle-ships and elimination of former competitive naval building program, 6.

The prohibition of the use of submarines as commerce destroyers. For the first time as a nation the United States placed on record as against the use of poison gas. And finally For the first time as a nation the United States has taken definite steps toward international cooperation and association in 8.

The Four Power Pact. The Nine Power Pact. Specific Gains in tKe Far East a. Reduction of fortification programme in Far East. Settlement of cable controversies. Withdrawal of foreign post offices in China. Establishment of commission to investigate Chinese courts.

Return to China of radio stations. Tariff concessions in China. International agreement to exchange information on all commitments concerning China. Re-affirmation by the United States, and acceptance by other nations, of the principle of the Open Door.

Shantung Settlement The good offices of the members of the Conference, notably those of Mr. Balfour and Secretary Hughes, have, no doubt, contributed to this important agreement between China and Japan, though for this pact the Conference has no responsibility.

Public opinion, by the demand for a real measure of disarmament, forced the calling of the Conference. The respondent, charged with misrepresentation in the sale of courses of study and instruction for preparing students for examinations in Civil Service positions, has forfeited its charter and is no longer in existence. Wheeler and to Representative Clarence Lea, Chairman of the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee, FCC Chairman James Lawrence Fly suggested the "tremendously high prices" which radio stations command in the present market indicates the sellers may be profiting from their lien on a radio frequency which they have been authorized to use under the Communications Act of , but whose ownership under the Act is reserved to the public.

These are being sorted and tabulated as soon as received in order to maintain a continuing report of the answers to the three questions asked in the questionnaire. If you failed to receive a copy, wire or write NAB headquarters and one will be sent to you by return mail. Those opposed provide 9. The statute does make clear that the frequencies are not in any way the property of the licensees. The Commission has rejected and is prepared to reject any transfer which on its face involves a consideration for the frequency.

The Commission, apparently consistent with Congressional policy, has approved transfers that involve going -concern values, good will, etc. There remains, however, a serious question of policy and one on which the law is not clear, as to whether the Commission should approve a transfer wherein the amount of the consideration is over and beyond any amount which can be reasonably allocated to physical values plus going -concern and good will, even though the written record does not itself show an allocation of a sum for the frequency.

Our concern in this regard is heightened by the tremendously high prices which radio stations are commanding in the present state of the market.

This is illustrated by the fact that one local station was sold for a half -million dollars and some regional stations are selling for a million or more. Under the present state of the law, however, not clear that the Commission has either the duty or the power to disapprove of a transfer merely because the price is inordinately high-even though it may well be deduced that a substantial value is placed on the frequency. In the absence of a clear Congressional policy on this subject, we thought best to draw the matter to the attention of your own Committee and the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

Chilton, transferor, to Gazette Publishing Co. Read, transferor, to Paul V. McElwain and Glen E. KWK, St. Louis, Mo. Convey, transferor, to Robert T. Johnston, transferor, to Lloyd Pixley, et al.

Wall et al, transferor, to Indianapolis News Publishing Co. Guernsey, transferor, to Eastland Broadcasting Co.

Cargill, transferor, to George P. Rankin, Jr. Black, transferor, to L. Hogan et al, transferor, to New York Times Co. Birdwell, assignor, to American Broadcasting Co. WFTL, Ft. Lauderdale, Fla. Horton, assignor, to Fort Industry Co. Durr released a memoranddm on Wednesday 26 setting forth his reasons for dissenting in the action of the Commission taken on July 18 July,.

In the press release accompanying the memorandum, Mr. Wheeler and Congressman Clarence Lea, chairmen respectively of the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce and the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, calling their attention to the increasing price of radio stations indicated there was little disagreement between the other members of the FCC and himself with respect to the seriousness of this problem, the main point of difference being the present authority of the Commission to deal with the situation.

Heller, et al. The prices being paid for the stations seemed to me to raise serious questions of law and public interest, and I therefore think that each application should have been set for hearing to ascertain: " a Whether or not any part of the purchase price represents payment for a radio channel in violation of Sections and b of the Communications Act of , as amended, and, " b Whether the amount being invested in the station by transferee will affect the operations of the station in the public interest.

The purchase price being paid for WJLD represents a profit of nearly per cent on the cost of its physical properties and over per cent on its net worth. The purchase price being paid for WINX represents a profit of nearly per cent on the cost of its physical properties and over per cent on its net worth.

No figures were before the Commission as to the replacement cost or the original cost of the physical properties involved in the transfer.

However, the Commission does have the responsibility of seeing to it that licensees observe the provisions of the Communications Act and that licenses for the operation of broadcasting stations are neither granted nor transferred unless the public interest will be served. Its responsibility in approving transfers is no less than its responsibility in making original grants of licenses.

Section b of the Act provides: " 'The station license required hereby, the frequencies authorized to be used by the licensee, and the rights therein granted shall not be transferred, assigned, or in any manner either voluntarily or involuntarily disposed of, or indirectly by transfer of control of any corporation holding such license, to any person, unless the Commission shall, after securing full information, decide that said transfer is in the public interest, and shall give its consent in writing.

It follows that neither the channels nor any right to use them is for sale, either by private individuals or by the Government. The Communications Act provides that they are to be licensed by the Commission, only for limited periods of time, and only to whose whom the Commission finds best qualified, by ability and intention, to use them in the public interest.

Ability to outbid others in the price offered for a station has no relation to qualifications of this kind. For what is this excess being paid? Are there elements of value in the transferors' properties and businesses which are not apparent from the information contained in their applications, or are they selling something they do not own and have no right to sell, namely, the use of a radio channel?

Moreover, the new licensees are taking on financial loads many times greater than those of the old licensees. All of these stations are commercial stations, and it is reasonable to assume that the purchaser of a commercial station buys with the expectation of earning at least a reasonable return on his investment. In the present cases, do the transferees regard their purchases as business ventures, or do they intend to operate the stations without regard to profit?

If the former, how do they expect to operate the stations so that they will be self-sustaining and at the same time yield a fair business return on investments ranging from four and one-half to ten times the investments of the former licensees? Is it anticipated that profits will be increased through more economical and efficient operations or by increasing the price per unit of time sold, or is it contemplated that a substantial amount, if not all, of the increased profits will have to come from selling more time?

If more time is to be sold, will a reasonable amount of the free time still be left for local civic programs, educational programs, the discussion of controversial public issues, and other sustaining programs? In many communities, all presently available standard radio channeles are occupied and the only way for a newcomer to get into the field is by the purchase of an existing station.

The present inflationary trend in the price of radio stations, if continued, will tend not only to increase still further the already tremendous pressure on sustaining programs but also to push radio broadcasting more and more beyond the reach of any but the well-to-do. Certainly the inflationary trend should not be encouraged by permitting the capitalization of licenses. DURR, Commissioner. Harron, Joseph Lang, et al. James W. Woodruff, Jr. Barney J. Lavin, one of the Directors-at -Large for medium-sized stations, reported to the Marine Corps at Quantico, Virginia, where he was commissioned a Second Lieutenant.

These two vacancies on the Board will be filled by Board action at the meeting of the Board to be held in connection with the Executives War Conference. Here was realism-but realism that everybody wantedrealism that made Americans feel that their loved ones-realism that placed they were close to a new value on this precious link of communications with the other side of the world.

And so, to millions of our people, radio was born on D -Day. To the industry itself, however, D -Day arrival at maturity. A great crisis, marked radio's more than the passage of years, often brings a person or an industry to its full development, to the firm realization and abilities. To paraphrase a well-known quotation: "We came, we saw, we communicated.

Why, then, could it not have broadcast from a battlefront to the rest of the world at any time in its career? July 28,. Paul Bunyan, the Giant of the Forests, might have strapped a radio tower on his back, hooked a ten -ton transmitter to his belt, plugged into an electric power system and broadcast in stentorian tones an account of the pigmy struggles of mankind a thousand feet below his bearded countenance-or buzzing in tiny planes like flies around his brow.

Radio might have done it in some fashion in , if radio's unwieldly and immobile equipment of that period could have been set up in flawless perfection at the scene of battle. In comparison, the pack transmitters, wire recorders and superlative equipment which accompanies radio correspondents into battle today resemble the tiny portable receivers alongside the huge pieces of furniture which were radio sets of a decade ago.

Radio, in every sense, grew up to its responsibility of covering this world war. Some years ago, the first attempts to use portable equipment in covering events that occurred beyond the reach of regular facilities were crude and experimental. Forward looking radio engineers built small short wave transmitters which broadcast over short distances to their home stations.

What was received was then rebroadcast over standard facilities. Receiving antennae were built on the roofs of studios or at station transmitters. Some of the short wave transmitters were mounted on truck beds, their power generated by small gasoline motors. One short wave transmitter, a smaller, improved model, using a battery for energy, was installed in a baby buggy for the purpose of covering a championship golf match. Thus from America's peaceful fairways radio engineers, announcers and studio control operators learned the methods which someday would transmit the scream of shells, the roar of planes and mechanized equipment on the beachheads around the world.

The Magnetic Wire Recorder, one of radio's most valuable front line reporting mechanisms, is a wartime development. Light-an easy load for one man-this equipment permits recording on a spool of wire. No needles, no fragile records-this rugged recorder absorbs an accurate sound picture of the heaviest combat, explosions and all, as the reporter tells his running story of action at the front.

Rushed back to transmission headquarters, the battle description is ready for broadcast immediately. The forerunner of the Magnetic Wire Recorder, however, was the recording truck used by the radio station in your town to obtain interviews and descriptions of public events in that area, which were later broadcast. Extended practice over a period of years paved the way for the streamlined war model and trained the industry in the use of recording mechanism and recorded programs, so that their vital role in communications was supported all along the line by skill and experience.

Some of the most vivid radio reports of this war owe their existence to the Magnetic Wire Recorder. Then there are the thousands of words of news which come to the listeners in America every day by radio.

These are spoken words. They cannot be the same words that are used on the printed page, although they tell the same stories. They must be addressed to the ear. They must follow the rules of oral delivery. This is what we call the style of radio news reporting. Early day radio news men were not born with the gift of a radio news reporting style.

They had to develop it and then to teach it to others. The process required years and is still the subject of much planning and effort within the industry. From a beginning marked by difficulties, restricted sources and even distrust of radio news, the industry has schooled an army of news reporters, achieved numerous world wide news sources and won for itself accredited correspondents wherever things are happening. It was this smooth working machine that maintained an unbroken flow of information on D -Day and continues to supply its listeners with stories and bulletins from every part of the globe.

Training of radio personnel is a broad topic which occupies an important place in the history of broadcasting. Putting all the elements together which make up a full day's broadcast schedule requires specialists in many departments, specialists who have learned by years of hard work how to be at ease and proficient in their jobs.

July 28, Tearing up and rebuilding a complete day's schedule, to accommodate emergency broadcasts and programs of great public interest, is no assignment to give newcomers in the radio field.

When the managers and employees of stations and networks went home on the night of June 5th, their programs for the following day were all lined up in orderly fashion, as they had been for days, months and years before. But they were called from their beds to put stations on the air in the middle of the night and give invasion news precedence over everything else, revising and rebuilding their programs as they went. This was D -Day behind the scenes in radio and it made a new kind of veteran out of every experienced hand in the business of broadcasting, no matter how well he knew his job before.

I hesitate to suggest what might have happened to the reports from abroad if these loyal people had not been trained to fill their posts capably and keep the show going here at home. But they could be depended upon and they had at their disposal the finest equipment that money could buy.

Inevitably we get down to the question, "Who paid for all this? Who bought equipment, used it, discarded it, then bought new and better equipment to do the same job all over again, only a little better? Who paid the salaries of station managers, program directors, continuity writers, announcers, salesmen, engineers, musicians, traffic managers, news men and hundreds of secretarial and clerical employees? Every one of them had to learn or be trained in the idiom of radio.

All had to develop subconscious natures adapting them to their work. A radio employee was, and always has been, a considerable investment. The mere granting of licenses by the government to operate radio stations is not like granting rights to mine government land, for example, where gold lays in abundant quantities.

Radio held for its licensees only so much as they, by their ingenuity, money and devotion to public service, could make of it.

That wasn't much in the early days of radio, and before it could really get started it was plunged into the depression which began in But its owners put up money and more money and sustained the industry until finally it became self-supporting. And here we should say a word for the companies who invested their advertising dollars and their faith in an untried medium, testing this method and that method, receiving inevitable disappointments and yet coming back, again and again, until broadcasting as a medium for the sale and distribution of products was proved to their satisfaction.

The record is full of instances in which advertisers started out with announcements or programs, guessed at the right kind of continuity, the right kind of program content, the right time of day or night, and were joined in this guessing game by radio people who were just as new to the business as the advertisers. Some advertisers guessed right, many guessed wrong, but they came back with determination. They continued to back up their judgment with their hard-earned American dollars and ultimately earned dividends on all that they had spent in proving the medium of radio.

Radio's advertisers are part and parcel of the American system of broadcasting which they helped build. Advertising money is responsible for the excellent system of networks which connect our stations and their millions of listeners on a national and international basis. The idea of radio networks originated in Stop and think how different would have been the story of D -Day without the network system which placed every radio home in America in instantaneous contact with foreign shores!

Theirs is a record of accomplishment which points up the whole story of radio achievement on D -Day. Late in , six months before the Day, with trained correspondents already at strategic points, the networks began preparations for coverage of the invasion which was sure to come.

They had to correlate every step in secrecy with the military planners. They charted the possibilities of good radio coverage in the same manner as the armed forces calculated the success of the actual invasion.

Equipment, transportation, manpower were involved. Familiarity with all branches of military service was a necessity, both allied and enemy. Largely untried,. More than a hundred correspondents were involved in this assignment, aided by several thousand men and women on news desks, at control boards and at shortwave sending and monitoring stations, engineering and communications experts, foreign office managers and local station personnel, all the way back to the last person who helped to get the broadcasts out to the listeners of his station in his area.

On the field were additional correspondents of local radio stations, each of whom had his primary obligation to his home transmitter. Ready to pour story after story into broadcast channels were also the hundreds of correspondents of national and international press associations, who serve press and radio alike in the gathering of news.

When H -Hour came, in the early morning of June 6th, this giant communications pattern leaped into electrical life across the entire face of the globe.

The story as we know it in America need hardly be repeated. Local stations everywhere went on the air and stayed on as long as the invasion news went around the clock. All regular programs, commercial or sustaining, were either cancelled or revised to accommodate the flow of programs and bulletins from abroad. Not all of these were from abroad. Some of them originated here, to show the temper of the folks at home, to bring prayer and words of comfort to those who listened with anxiety.

More than nine hundred local news rooms and program departments augmented the network service with news reports received from press -radio wire services and station correspondents and with added features of strictly local interest and value to civic morale.

The greatest thing to remember about radio's coverage of the invasion of Europe is that quality of radio which distinguishes it from all other forms of communication. It is instantaneous. No matter how complicated its gathering system, no matter how far afield its point of origin, the human voice or other sounds occurring at its nethermost end are transmitted instantly to the four corners of the world.

Although these impulses pass through a thousand hands at control points all along the way, they pass through all those hands at the same instant. They are not passed to one and then to the other, finally reaching the end. Consequently these control points must be synchronized to the fraction of a second, so that a word spoken on the other side of the world may be heard by a man and his wife at home in California. This flawless performance, which enabled millions of Americans to stand by their loved ones in spirit and affection as at no other time in the history of the world, was the contribution of radio and its people on D -Day.

But let me review briefly another type of contribution which radio has made since the beginning of this war. After flashing the dramatic news of the attack on Pearl Harbor, the broadcasting industry stood well up in line to receive its assignments from a government at war. What it could do was problematical, although its spontaneous cooperation in the projects of national defense were well known and appreciated.

Deluged at first with wartime demands, many of which were conflicting and confusing, the broadcasters soon realized the need for coordination. Consequently what is now the Radio Branch of the Office of War Information, with the aid of stations, networks and advertisers, set up an allocation plan.

Under this plan the requirements of all government agencies. The stations were free to contribute additional time, talent and facilities if they chose, and all of them have, quite generously, but the allocation plan furnished a guide and a systematic working arrangement. Recruiting for all branches of the armed forces, War Bond Drives, salvage, blood donor and conservation campaigns, the Office of Civilian Defense and many other vital war activities received powerful stimulation from the nationwide promotion activities of radio and its advertisers.

As a matter of fact, the figure compiled by the Office of War Information representing the number of listener impressions delivered by radio since April, , is almost too big to grasp. Through the OWI allocation plan alone, radio has delivered since April, , listener impressions totaling 54,,, A listener impression is a message broadcast one time to one person.

Over a period of time many different messages were broadcast to the same person. Likewise the same people heard the same messages more than one time. Anyone here should be willing to testify to that. The broadcasters themselves frequently wonder if now and then they do not approach the saturation point on war messages.

But people have to be told the same things more than once, to produce results. And radio produces results. Radio has sold this war and its responsibilities to one hundred and thirty million people more than four hundred times since April of Rather than slacking up in , the first twenty-nine weeks show a figure of 18,,, listener impressions, which accounts for a third of the total of the entire period since This was for recruiting, conservation, salvage, War Bond Drives, blood donors and numerous government campaigns which any radio listener should recognize by now.

You might say, "Why, I'm sure I've heard these messages myself more than four hundred times over my radio. But consider the millions of people in outlying areas, the great diversification of living habits. The value of radio is its ability to reach everybody at least a few times. Radio produced a national consciousness of war which is without parallel in the history of the world. And it is after all the national consciousness which wins wars.

What enabled this tremendous coverage of our population? Receiving sets, first, so people could listen. Programs, second, to keep them listening. The history of receiving set manufacturing in this country is another long story, and an important one in accounting for radio's contribution to the American way of life.

Here again the growth was gradual, from the large cumbersome and expensive consoles to the small, compact inexpensive table models. The greatest accomplishment of the radio manufacturers, but typical of America's sales and distribution system, was the creation and marketing of radio at a price level permitting every receivers man, woman and child to enjoy and benefit from this marvelous medium of communication.

We say that we reached the people. Let us see how effectively they were reached. Did we produce results? On the 27th of May, , the War Advertising Council made a report on the success with which radio had been used in behalf of the war during the year Permit me to quote from this report: "Candidates for Marine Officers schools jumped 40 per cent after two weeks of national radio promotion; June 8th through the 21st, " 'Glider Pilots' were sought for two weeks from July 6th to 20th.

Up to this time all efforts to recruit glider pilots had failed because the boys wanted to fly motorized planes. At the end of this two-week period, however, 30, glider pilots had been turned up, and every CAA school in the country packed to capacity. The Army and Navy were calling for 3, nurses a month, and it looked as if the pool might soon be exhausted unless new volunteers were secured. At the conclusion of the drive, volunteers were already coming in at 50 per cent above the pre -drive rate.

Several weeks after the conclusion of the drive, the number jumped to well over per cent-and in July 28,. By mid -October quotas for these mechanics for three branches of the Army were passed. This was considered a particular achievement, in view of the enormous pressure from industry for this type of skilled technical personnel.

The CAA hoped for 50, returns. At the end of the 7 -day period a total of inquiries 'was assured. Radio went to work. On many railroads less traveled than last Christmas. The Office of Defense Transportation reported the much - feared breakdown completely averted. And all soldiers who wanted to get home got there. One sack of V -Mail equals 65 sacks of regular mail.

The week before the radio campaign, one-half million V -Mail letters were handled-during the third week of the campaign, one -and -a -quarter million per cent increase. Today the increase is between to per cent.

It had to be broken on Sunday at P. No Sunday newspapers could be used because they were all printed Saturday night. Radio had not only to tell consumers they couldn't buy without ration coupons, it also had to tell shoe dealers they couldn't open Monday. Very few instances of dealers not hearing were reported.

Employment Service gained 21 per cent in January over the previous month, with radio help. Instilling the idea, of war was a major job alone without undertaking to promote and make effective its various processes such as I just covered in the War Advertising Council report.

How did radio do it? You will remember I said that in the beginning advertisers went on the radio with announcements and programs and guessed at the right continuity, the right kind of program content, the right time of day or night, and were joined in this guessing game by radio people themselves. Suppose the government had been faced with the same necessity? The answer is that radio had developed scientific measurement of size and type of audiences and how to reach them. This was another slow and painstaking process in bringing the medium to the point where, in , it had strategic importance to this nation at war.

Radio knew, for example, that twenty million women listened regularly to daytime serials or soap operas, as they are frequently called. Here was the place for wartime messages on conservation, salvage, Civilian Defense and a host of subjects most appropriately directed to the homemakers of our country. Radio knew the size and type of audiences which listened to its popular comedians, its musical shows, news, public forums, sports broadcasts-everything on the program schedule.

Each one presented opportunities for reaching certain types of individuals or large mixed audiences. This meant that messages directed to men who would make the best Army Specialists were inserted in the play-by-play accounts of baseball games-because it was a known fact that the men of all classes and particularly men of technical skill. It produced results.

This knowledge of radio's potentialities existed not only on a national basis, with regard to network and nationally July 28, syndicated transcribed programs, it was just as much alive in the minds of station managers who had local programs with particular possibilities in local broadcast areas. The five War Bond Campaigns illustrate better than anything else what stations have done in their home towns to further the war effort.

The reports of local station activities in behalf of the five War Bond drives fill a tremendous filing space at the headquarters of the National Association of Broadcasters. Stations filled huge auditoriums with purchasers of individual War Bonds who came to see radio talent shows-they held bond rallies on the city streetsthey brought in public officials and returned war heroes for special broadcasts-they organized and promoted civic club drives-they worked with the city schools on doorto-door canvasses-they helped stage movie premieresthey devoted entire program schedules, 18 and 19 hours at a stretch, to bond selling-they set up bond booths in their own reception rooms-they sent their own personnel out on the street selling and delivering bonds to purchasers who called in as a result of broadcasts.

In morale -building activities, stations have staged camp shows, sent travelling troupes over wide areas to entertain members of the armed forces, picked up and broadcast practice maneuvers, sent out to all parts of the world and brought back the recorded voices of loved ones from that area, so the home folks could hear them, broadcast for jobs for returning veterans, equipped hospitals with sound systems and radio receivers, in short, pursued every avenue of activity wherein they might perform a public service as centers of local communication.

The full story of individual station cooperation with the war effort may never be told. It is too great to be recorded. It has been of such a nature as to defy factual analysis. It can best be described as whole radio station staffs, everyone engaged in broadcast operations, living, breathing and feeling the war with such intensity that it has permeated every word and every program emanating from their transmitters.

This kind of Americanism cannot be reduced to writing. It can only be felt by the millions who listen and are inspired. I want to give you another example that points up the magnitude of radio's contribution to America at war. In common with the other advertising media broadcasting has kept a running record of the contributions which have been made by the advertisers and the industry itself toward the support of the war effort.

It was radio's wish to figure this contribution in terms of time on the air A difficulty, however, was soon encountered. The Government desired to know what was the total contribution of all advertising media toward the war. One newspaper page, plus one magazine page, plus one billboard, plus one -hour on the air equals what? We had to arrive at a common denominator. The obvious answer was to express the result in terms of dollars. A technical method was reached for solving this problem in the radio field and the results surprised even the broadcasters themselves.

What does all this demonstrate? It demonstrates radio's effectiveness as a medium of communication in time of war. Radio has the same effectiveness in a peacetime economy but with less public significance Public service groups They will learn that radio is phenomenally effective. It reaches people and causes them to feel and act. It does so by virtue of its trained personnel.

They will learn that the people of radio are instinctively attuned to public service. Such people can be inspired to the pitch of a crusade for a laudable. Public service groups will learn that there is no end to the manner and places in which radio can perform The result should be notable improvement in the relations between those whose superior knowledge of specialized social problems entitles them to the friendly counsel and cooperation of broadcasters who are in turn best qualified to communicate those problems and their suggested solutions to the people.

Radio stations are licensed to operate "in the public interest, convenience and necessity. The Chief Signal Officer of the Army of the United States, in awarding the broadcasting industry a Certificate of Appreciation for loyal and patriotic services, wrote as follows: "This acknowledgment of your distinguished contribution in furtherance of a future world at peace will be inscribed forever in the annals of the Signal Corps. He was 64 years of age. He was one of the early pioneers in the field of radio research and was widely recognized for his contribution to the development of many of the standard research methods and procedures employed today throughout the broadcasting industry.

Smith had been associated with Mr. Arthur B. Church, owner and president of KMBC, for 13 years. Smith is survived by his wife, Mrs. Helen Hayes contributed a stirring performance in an original radio play, with Lyn Murray writing a special score as well as conducting the orchestra.

Top novelty pianist Alec Templeton joined Morton Gould and his 50 -man orchestra for 15 minutes of musical enjoyment. Kate Smith brought along Ted Collins and Jack Miller's band for an exciting session of favorite songs. Fred Waring's Pennsylvanians picked outstanding songs for their contribution. Radio's leading announcers were unanimous in volunteering their services to the Navy.

The broadcasts are intended to keep WAVE recruiting at a high year-round level. They stress the advantages of the Women's Reserve of the Navy and offer free booklets for interested women.

All WAVE recruiting activities for are on a voluntary basis, a small appropriation being for incidentals only. His basic theme is that the individual must vote to have a say "in this government of the people, for the people, by the people.

The current phase urges voting in the August primary. After primary results are known Mr. Balch will urge voting in the November election.

That's the last day on which you can register to vote in the Fall. When you think that our men are fighting and dying right now to uphold a privilege on which America's future is based July the last day you can register to vote.

Go to the polls this Fall and use your voting rights. A privilege worth fighting for is worth exercising. Your son in uniform is fighting to keep the privilege yours and his. It's up to you to exercise the privilege while he is on the battlefront. Make definite plans now to vote in the August primary and the November election. Millions of fighting men and women are relying on you at home to carry on for them.

They're relying on YOU to uphold democracy on the home front as they are defending it on the fighting front. Do so by voting this Fall. Your vote this year speaks both for you and for the fighting forces. Make use of your voting power this Fall. Millions of American men are fighting to preserve that power for you.

Keep faith with them by voting It is a duty and a privilege to vote. Rated power is watts, and antenna system is located atop the tallest building in Kansas City, that of the Power and Light building. Appearing on the first program originating through the new station were prominent officials from CBS in New York and Chicago and network affiliates from the North Central district.

Lee De Forest, famed scientist and inventor of the vacuum tube. De Forest came to this city early in June at the invitation of the Mexican Government to discuss plans for a proposed television station and the manufacture of inexpensive radio and television receivers in this country. The distinguished scientist, whose genius made possible such modern miracles as long-distance radio communication, sound -pictures, television, short-wave diathermy and countless other applications of electronics, spent a month here conferring with government officials and leaders of the Mexican radio and motion -picture industries.

Before leaving for the United States at the beginning of July, Dr. De Forest announced that he expected to return to Mexico in September, ready to begin work. De Forest, the money to be used to supplement government aid where necessary. Also included in Dr.

De Forest's plans is a great educational center in Mexico for study and research in electronics. De Forest. Moreover, it would serve as a central clearing house for translating all literature on electronics into Spanish and Portuguese, for publication and distribution in Latin American countries. Preliminary conversationse with Dr. Jaime Torres Bodet, Secretary of Public Education here, have resulted in an announcement that a technical commission is, being July 28, formed to study plans for establishing the electronics center in the near future.

Present plans call for the center to be directed by Dr. McGee, Sr. McGee was connected with several national organizations on production and organization problems, including General Motors, the Democratic National Committee and Hurtz Engineering Corporation.

He was secretary and treasurer of the latter firm for a number of years. Lang transferors , Iowa Broadcasting Co. Licensee , Jersey City, N. Licensee , Klamath Falls, Oregon- Granted consent to transfer of control of licensee corpora-. Kincaid, deceased, to George Kincaid; no monetary consideration involved. Hurt transferor , Frank E. Hurt and Edward P. Hurt, an individual, to Frank E. Hurt his son ; no monetary consideration. Pidcock, Sr. Neff, Savannah, Ga. Woodruff and J.

Neff for new station at Savannah, Ga. Granted extension of following station licenses upon a temporary basis only, pending determination upon applications for renewal of licenses, in no event later than October 1, KOIN, Portland, Ore. Granted further extension of following station licenses upon a temporary basis only, pending determination upon application for renewal of license, in no event later than October 1, KDAL, Duluth, Minn.

B2-LH The following applications for construction permits for new high frequency FM broadcast stations were placed in the pending file, in accordance with the Commission policy adopted February 23, Baltimore Broadcasting Corp. Schechter, Providence, R. Raymond C. Hammett, Talladega, Ala. Leila A. Allen, d b as Valley Broadcasting Co. Inc for construction permit and modification thereof. Docket No. Kennelly and T.

Kennelly joint owners , J. Kennelly and Palace Theatre Company to W. Russell, H. Russell, W. Lanterman, A. Walton and F. Kelly, David R. Ritchie, Pueblo, Colo.

NEW-John E. Fetzer and Rhea Y. NEW -Jos. Zamoiski Co. Ashbacker, d b as Ludington Broadcasting Co. Amended: re change in type of transmitter. Adamson Flat Glass Company et al. The respondent manufacturers are Adamston Flat Glass Co. Fourco Glass Co.. Union National Bank Bldg. Robison, T. Gibson and E. Robison, respectively president, vice president, and secretary -treasurer of the Vita-Var Corporation, who are also officials of Beautykote Corporation, all located at 46 Albert Ave.

Boinet, 17 Bank St. Guy and J. The respondents advertised and recommended the product for use in the cooling system of automobiles and other internal combustion engines. Burget, Montgall Ave. Please fill out and return the questionnaire immediately. An analysis of returns shows that Ryan, "that our Conference will contribute constructively to ironing out some of our current industry problems and laying the foundation for more helpful coordination of radio's part in the war effort and in the period to follow.

While broadcasting has performed a most important function in both military and civilian fields in the war period, tremendous strides in technical development create problems which must be resolved. While definite acceptances have not been had from others who are to fill the role of principal speakers, they are trying to clear their schedules so that they will be able to attend. Attendance Limited Every effort has been made to curtail the numbers who will attend the Conference so that only those essential to the discussions will be present.

As a first step to this end, the Board of Directors has limited attendance to the personnel of NAB active and associate members. Personnel of stations or firms eligible to either active or associate membership and not in such membership will not be registered at the Conference. For the most part member stations have been cooperative and have given the information essential to placing their reservations in proper order with the hotel.

We request any stations which may hereafter send in this Form No. With reference to type of accommodations we are definitely limited under our contract with the hotel in the number of the larger accommodations available to us.

This is one of the Continued on page August 4,. Director of Engineering: Paul F. Consistent with the practice in many other hotels, the Palmer House has cut down the number of suite accommodations, having converted many parlors into sleeping rooms.

A very limited number of suites is available to NAB under the hotel contract. NAB is obligated to provide suite accommodations for many of the associate members in compliance with their rights and privileges.

This absorbs the larger portion of suites available. It is, therefore, going to be necessary to fill requests for suite accommodations with twin -bedded or single rooms. The applications for suites thus far received far exceed the supply and the allotment over and above those allocated to associate members has been assigned in the order in which requests were received. All who have requested suites and have through necessity been assigned other types of accommodation have, or will be advised, and may if they desire secure the suite type of accommodation in some other hotel by direct arrangement.

Those desiring accommodations at other Chicago hotels are asked to communicate direct with such hotel. Congress placed this responsibility directly upon the licensee of the radio station. This responsibility cannot be shared with anyone whether it be the CIO or any other individual or organization. This Code may not be perfect but it is an honest attempt on the part of the broadcasters to establish a sound policy of self -regulation in the public interest.

In intent and in practical application the Code assures labor a fair allocation of, radio time. It is the result of many years of experience by the broadcasters in meeting conflicting demands. The Association has a Code Committee which is constantly giving attention to matters arising under its provision.

Thus additions or deletions may be made from time to time as circumstances may seem to dictate. This gives flexibility to the Code.

There is no substitute for following its suggestions. Every station and every station management is urged to carefully and faithfully apply the recommendations of the NAB Code.

The release follows: "This special request is intended to direct your earnest attention to the developing situation in the Pacific and Far East, and to the continuing need for vigilance regarding the war in Europe and the provisions of the Press and Broadcasting Codes generally.

A year ago you were advised there would be no change, but were asked to review every Code provision with your respective staffs. Six months ago some relaxations were announced and a special request was issued relating to preparations for the European invasion.

On the contrary, it is more important than ever that the Codes be observed in spirit and in detail. Changing personnel in news rooms places an increased responsibility on management to see that the vital requirements of security are not overlooked. Each editor and broadcaster is urgently requested once again to take affirmative and positive action to see that every Code provision is re -read by and impressed upon every member of his staff.

The highest military authorities recognize and have stated that your alertness and cooperation contributed greatly to the security which was so vital to the success of the landing in France. Your continuing and increasing help is needed on the battlefields of Europe so long as the lives of our fighting men are in danger. The enemy knows it is our intention to liberate the Philippines and all of the other territory now under Japanese occupation, and to carry the attack also to the Mainland of Japan by land, sea and air.

What we must protect at all hazards, is information of the time, place and method of attack, the sequence of operations, the strength of the attacking forces, and their technical make-up and equipment. No such information should be published or broadcast in this country if the enemy would be informed thereby. Information in the listed categories coming direct from a neutral or allied country but which might not be generally available in that country, should be submitted to the Office of Censorship before use.

This restriction does not apply to material from enemy countries; material originating in British territory and cleared by British censorship; material cleared by Allied Military Censorship overseas; or material which already has been published, sent by radio, or otherwise generally disseminated in any area abroad.

The test should be, "Does the enemy know this? It always is hazardous, in connection with future operations, to mention dates, even by month or season; or to point out the likelihood or desirability of an attack in any particular locality; or to forecast how many units will be employed, or the probable sequence of operations. Appropriate authority within the restricted Iist must be of unquestioned standing and all cases of doubt should be referred to the Office of Censorship.

I have been in the Government service for a continuous period of fifteen years. For some time I have been conscious of personal considerations which indicate the wisdom of my returning to the private practice of law. However, there are a few jobs to finish around here and I propose to see them finished. At the moment I have no definite plan except to remain here for some substantial period of time. It contains also Federal Communications Rules and Regulations governing broadcasts by candidates for public office.

They will be sent free of charge. The principal business of the committee was to receive a progress report of its Technical Sub -committee on the study of station coverage methods. On Wednesday, August 2, the Research Committee met with the Board Sub -committee and the Sales Managers' Executive Committee to submit its progress report on the station coverage measurement project. Outler, Jr. The work of the Research Committee was commended by the combined group and plans were made for a final presentation at the NAB Convention, August 28 through 31, of a report on the station coverage study with a recommended method for industry use.

Shackelford is chairman, met in New York on July 24 to consider a subcommittee report on maximum utilization of FM spectrum space. This committee, as organized under RTPB, is charged with the responsibility of making recommendations considered desirable in order that the most efficient utilization can be made of radio frequencies.

The report on FM channel width, as revised at the July 24 meeting, is still preliminary inasmuch as the report has not been submitted to the entire panel for approval. Highlights of the report are recommendations for FM channels of kc width and an audio frequency range of 10 kc.

The comparison of the present standards as adopted by Panel 5 on FM Broadcasting Panel 5 has requested additional channels above 50 megacycles and the proposed recommendations of Panel 1 is given in the following table. Present Recommended As adopted As proposed by Channel mid -frequency separation Maximum over-all swing Deviation Ratio Transmitter tolerance Upper extremity of audio range Radio spectrum utilization for FM broadcasting Number of broadcast channels Commercial Educational by Panel 5 Panel 1 kc kc cycles 15 kc mc kc 80 kc cycles 10 kc mc According to the subcommittee the above recommendations are subject to the modifications which may result from further studies of impulse noise and interference as outlined throughout the report.

The meeting was called to consider frequency needs in that portion of the spectrum between 30 and megacycles. Reports were received from most of the RTPB service panels concerning the specific frequencies requested for each of the various types of radio service.

Frazier, NAB Director of Engineering and Chairman of Panel 4 on Standard Broadcasting, presented the preliminary request of Panel 4 that all frequencies presently assigned to broadcasters in that portion of the spectrum be made part of the RTPB allocation recommendation. Sixteen relay -pickup frequencies are involved in the 30 to 40 megacycles region and eight relay -pickup frequencies in that portion of the spectrum beginning at megacycles and ending at megacycles.

Several requests were received from panels representing other services for these same frequencies August 4,. This phase of the panel's deliberations was handicapped by the failure of any representative to appear for the FM Panel.

Jolliffe appointed a committee of three in an effort to effect a compromise of the FM -Television allocation dispute. The committee consists of Mr. Shelby representing Panel 6 on Television and Mr. Jansky from Panel 5 on FM Broadcasting. The committee of three was authorized to select one of their members as chairman or, if they preferred, to elect a chairman not now a member of the committee.

It provides a view of the Connecticut State Capitol and a sweeping panorama of the Berkshires, to the northwest, and Mount Monadnock, to the northeast. Principal stockholders in the Hampden -Hampshire Corporation are Mrs. Minnie R. Dwight, publisher of the Holyoke Transcript -Telegram, and Mrs. Harriet W. De - Rose, publisher of the Hampshire Gazette, Northampton. Augustine that assisted the station in putting the city and St.

General Manager J. Allen Brown said that the station additionally broadcast hundreds of spots, programs and special events features on a sustaining basis between June 12 and July 8. The sponsored programs consisted of eleven half hour night shows; twenty half hour afternoon programs; nineteen quarter hour night shows; one quarter hour daytime program; three five minute daytime shows; and five one hour Sunday afternoon bondwagon programs.

Cue sheets and other instructions were mailed to station managers on August 2. The ceremony was not broadcast in Washington at the time it was recorded. The first airing of the event will occur when stations broadcast their transcriptions to local audiences the week of August 7. Brigadier General Jerry V.

A complete transcript of the record follows: ANN : Ladies and gentlemen, we are witnessing an official ceremony in Washington, D. The next voice you hear will be that of General Matejka.

Both the National Association of Broadcasters and the Chief Signal Officer have honored me highly in permitting me to give you this certificate. It is only a piece of paper, but is is given just as a decoration is bestowed by a grateful nation on a heroic soldier on the battlefield. It is the Chief Signal Officer's hope that you will accept it in that spirit.

The Signal Corps has been given big jobs to do, and one of the biggest has been to obtain and train the hundreds of thousands of men and women needed to transmit messages, operate switchboards, give warnings of air attacks, design, furnish and maintain equipment, and to produce and distribute photographs and movies of the war.

When the going was toughest, the National Association of Broadcasters took the lead in helping us in the Signal Corps to get the personnel we needed. Time is precious in war, and you gave us the time of your people and much time on the air.

Every minute you gave us left Germany and Japan an hour less in which to exist and their time is now running short. They don't like what the people you helped us get are doing to them.

We are broadcasters together, you and we in the Signal Corps. Broadcast teams landed with the assaulting troops and soon were on the air in Casablanca and Algiers. The , Germans and Italians who surrendered to General Eisenhower in Tunis and Bizerte in May, , were first class fighting men in prime condition with all the food, airplanes, arms and ammunition they needed, but they. The motto of a small, occupied, but still living country is: "Truth Prevails.

It gives me great pleasure to present to you and through you to all members of the National Association of Broadcasters, the Chief Signal Officer's Certificate of Appreciation, with the hope that our country will soon be at peace so that we can continue our work together under happier circumstances.

General Matejka is removing the Certificate from its container. Ingles, and bears the official seal of the War Department of the United States.

This acknowledgment of your distinguished contribution in furtherance of a future world at peace will be inscribed forever in the annals of the Signal Corps. Harold Ryan has accepted the Certificate and is about to reply to General Matejka. On behalf of the hundreds of radio stations throughout America which constitute the membership of the National Association of Broadcasters, I accept this Certificate of Appreciation from the Chief Signal Officer of the Army of the United States.

General Matejka, let me thank you also for the splendid words of recognition which you accorded the broadcasters just now in your presentation of this Certificate. The efforts of radio stations to recruit and train personnel for the Signal Corps first began in the year preceding "Pearl Harbor. Broadcasts, state meetings of educational institutions, letters and personal calls were used to obtain applicants for courses in radio instruction. Classes were held in radio station studios, school and college classrooms and even empty store rooms, with radio engineers giving liberally of their time as organizers and instructors.

The National Association of Broadcasters prepared two courses on the Fundamentals of Radio, each with a series of practical experiments. Recruits by the thousands were prepared for active army duty with the Signal Corps. The radio stations gave much more than time on the air.

The knowledge and time of station employees were dedicated in large measure to this undertaking. Thus it characterizes the devotion of broadcasters everywhere to the prosecution of the war, whether it be in recruiting military personnel or in the many services which broadcasting renders as a medium of communication with the people.

We share with you the determination to bring this war to a victorious conclusion. Official recognition of our services gives us a feeling of closer participation in the fight for world freedom and is a source of renewed inspiration for every broadcaster. ANN: The original Certificate of Appreciation which has been presented here today will be framed and hung in the headquarters of the National Association of Broadcasters in Washington, D.

Copies of the original are being sent to the stations whose efforts, as members of the National Association of Broadcasters, earned this award. We now refer you to the station to which you are listening for local station identification. Draughon, Louis R. Draughon and Louis R. Taylor, William P. Booker and William B. Hardin and J. Gus Zaharis, South Charleston, W.

William B. Marietta Broadcasting Co. Joseph, Mo. Joseph, site of present main transmitter, and use as an auxiliary transmitter, with power of watts, employing directional antenna day and night B4 -P- Shepard, Denton, Texas.

WBNS, Inc. Granted same, to be operated on above mentioned frequencies with power of 20 watts B2-LRY Granted same, to be operated on above -mentioned frequencies with power of 3 watts B2-LRY Same, to be operated on frequencies , , , kc.

Placed in pending file the following applications for new high frequency broadcast stations, in accordance with Commission policy adopted February 23, The Crosley Corp. Paul, Minn. B4 -PH Hale Steinman and John F. Steinman to Alfred G. B4 -PH Placed in pending file in accordance with Commission policy adopted February 23, , the following applications for construction permits for new high frequency FM broadcast stations: Cincinnati Broadcasting Co.

Placed in pending file in accordance with Commission policy adopted February 23,, the following applications for construction permits for commercial television broadcast stations: Albuquerque Broadcasting Co. B3 -PCT ; Jos. B1 -PCT Emery Lancaster to Lee Broadcasting, Inc. Jones, William E. Jones, and James 0.

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